[d] 

Rem. The principal statement, to which כִּי אִם appends an exception, must sometimes be supplied from the context; thus, Gn 40¹⁴ (I desire nothing else) except that thou remember me, equivalent to only do thou remember, &c. (cf. 106 n, note 2; but it is probably better to read אַךְ for כִּי). Cf. Mi 6⁸, where כִּי אִם, equivalent to nothing but, is used before an infinitive, and Jb 42⁸, equivalent to only, before a noun. Similarly when כִּי אִם after an oath introduces an emphatic assurance, e.g. in 2 K 5²⁰ as the Lord liveth (I can do nothing else) except I run after him, &c.; cf. 2 S 15²¹ K^eth., Jer 51¹⁴, Ru 3¹² K^eth., and even without the oath, Ju 15⁷; cf. the Rem. on c.

 [a]  1. The relations of time existing between two different actions or events are frequently expressed without the aid of a conjunction simply by juxtaposition:—

(a) Actions or events are represented as wholly or in part simultaneous by connecting a noun-clause with another noun-clause or verbal-clause introduced by וְ (or וְהִנֵּה), e.g. Gn 7⁶ and Noah was six hundred years old (prop. a son of six hundred years), וְהַמַּבּוּל הָיָה and (i.e. when) the flood was. This is especially the case when the predicate of the noun-clause (frequently introduced by עוֹד still) is expressed by an active participle, e.g. Jb 1¹⁶ f. עוֹד זֶה מְדַבֵּר וְזֶה בָא וג׳ he was yet speaking, and there came another, &c.; see the numerous examples in § 111 g and § 116 u. Instead of a complete noun-clause there often occurs a simple casus pendens after כָּל־ with a participial attribute in the sense of whenever any one..., e.g. 1 S 2¹³ זׄבֵחַ זֶ֫בַח וּבָא וג׳ כָּל־אִישׁ whenever any man offered sacrifice, then came, &c.; 2 S 2²³, &c.; see the examples (in which the second member is generally introduced by wāw apodosis) in § 116 w.

 [b]  (b) Sequence is expressed by the juxtaposition

(1) of two imperfects consecutive, e.g. Gn 24¹⁹ וַתְּכַל לְהַשְׁקֹתוֹ וַתֹּאמֶר and when she had done giving him drink, she said, &c.; 28:8 f., 29:31, 30:9, 32:26, &c.; cf. § 111 d;

(2) of a noun-clause with a passive participle as predicate, and a verbal-clause attached by וְ, e.g. Gn 38²⁵; cf. § 116 v; in Gn 49²⁹ an imperative follows without וְ;

(3) of two perfects (frequently with the secondary idea of rapid succession^[1] of the two actions or events in past time), e.g. Gn 19²³ הַשֶּׁ֫מָשׁ יָצָא... וְלוֹט בָּא וג׳ the sun was just risen..., and (=when) Lot came, &c., cf. 1 S 9⁵, 2 S 2²⁴; Gn 44³ f., Ju 3²⁴, 15¹⁴, 20³⁹ f.—In all these examples the subject follows immediately after the connective Wāw, and then the (simple) perfect. On the other hand,

(4) a perfect consecutive follows another perfect consecutive to express the contingent succession of future actions, e.g. Gn 44⁴ וְהִשַּׂגְתָּם וְאָֽטַרְתָּ אֲלֵהֶם

1. ↑ This secondary idea is implied here by the mere co-ordination of two independent verbal-clauses, just as the idea of simultaneous occurrence (according to § 116 u, note 1) is implied in the co-ordination of a noun-clause with another clause. In Gn 27³⁰ the immediate succession is especially emphasized by אַךְ and the infinitive absolute, Jacob was yet scarce gone out... then Esau his brother came; in 1 K 9²⁴ by אַךְ only in ψ 48⁶ by כֵּן and the addition of two more perfects without וְ.